Ecclesiology as if Bodies Matter

Submitted by siteadmin on Tue, 2009-03-03 20:12

“Ecclesiology as if Bodies Matter: (Re)Shaping Moral Imaginations" By Mary McClintock Fulkerson

Bodies do matter in U.S. churches, but mostly in negative ways. Sexuality, race and gender are often topics to avoid. Claims of inclusiveness and welcome notwithstanding, the racial, class and “ableness” homogeneity of most churches suggests that in many ways dominant groups avoid marked bodies. Defining such avoidance as a theological version of legal “colorblindness” this talk argues for a sacramental moral imagination that takes bodies seriously.

“You go sit on a bench and nobody else sits on that bench. I’d say that’s a very good clue”----a comment by Kenyan, Njeroge, a black man, on his experience in U.S. churches. I would have thought that kind of behavior a relic of the old South. No one is for racism except weirdoes like David Dukes and the Ku Klux Klan. An African American is the President of the United States, for heaven’s sake!

However, here are some anecdotes that seem to confirm Njeroge’s claim that effectively “bodies matter.”—at least the blackness of his mattered. An interracial UM church, whose founding minister was “white” had a guest preacher one Sunday – a black man, who brought a host of friends. While numerically the church was still predominantly white, a few of the white members complained to their minister that the church was getting “too black.” Or this---African American NT scholar Brad Braxton refers to “the look” from whites---something he says all blacks are familiar with: It’s “’the look’ of amazement, surprise, and scorn that black people receive when they walk into certain professional and social gatherings, which historically have been attended solely by white people.” These are people who would never say racist things, Braxton continues, but their eyes say, ”’What are YOU doing here?’ ---‘you’ meaning ‘you black person.’”^¹

Of course persons designated as “having race” are not the only ones in the U.S. whose bodies raise eyebrows or trigger avoidance. Referring to the looks and avoidance practices of “normate” persons when we come into contact with people with disabilities, scholars speak of “rituals of degradation.” And what about sexualized bodies….women of any ethnicity or “race”? In some churches when female bodies step into pulpits they do get attention--- they are perceived to “stain” or transgress sacred space.

My first claim this afternoon, then, is that bodies do matter—they are marked, and some in negative ways. But a second point is implied in that claim.

Notice that the very way I am framing this assumes a “we” or an observer who (somehow) escapes such markers. To speak of people designated as having race and those marked with ‘gender/sexuality’ as the bodies that matter, does not mean that other creatures don’t have bodies. Nor does it mean that their bodies don’t matter. It does mean, however, that certain bodies evoke disturbing associations and others ---those of the dominant populations (supposedly) do not. It suggests that some bodies---those of the dominant---matter in a different way, i.e., they are taken to be “normal.”

There are recent examples of both things in the Presidential race: ‘marked’ bodies and their associations AND the assumption that there are unmarked (normal) bodies. The contest between Barak Obama and Hilary Clinton evoked lots of talk about the race card and the gender card. While Obama typically speaks about unity beyond race, many see his body as marked ‘black,’ generating the worry--Does his blackness conflict with Americanness? (Was he black enough?) *Then there is Hilary and gender. If she was aggressive, she seemed to be ‘unfeminine’ --- “angry” – ‘the bitch’ If she was not aggressive, or showed emotion, she was either ‘too soft’ to be a leader or using her ‘femininity’ manipulatively. Hillary often got accused of getting an advantage thru gender, special treatment as a woman.

And what about the double associations evoked by Michelle Obama’s body --- an angry black woman. Of course as First Lady she is getting much more positive attention, however, the point is what the dominant associations were in the (very recent) presidential campaign. Remember the NewYorker cover portraying Michelle with a gun. The point is not that the democratic campaign tried to convince us she was a real patriot, a mom, just like “us,” but that they had to do that to counter the associations that came with her agency. Along with being an unpatriotic bitch, she got branded as an Angela Davis-like militant—holding a weapon. In contrast, Sarah Palin’s body was marked mostly by gender; her whiteness was not mentioned, and her use of guns was interpreted positively, at least in comparison to Michelle’s.

Now these are examples of marked bodies…but this public discourse assumed something else---that some presidential candidates DON’T have marked bodies---they DON’T have gender, DON’T have race. ….a reality that actually indicates their invisible privilege as white or male. We might say marked bodies are in some sense produced by the gaze of the dominant.

How does the theological world address these complexities---the problematic ways that some bodies matter? Of course feminist/womanist and now queer theologians have long been addressing how gendered, sexualized and raced bodies matter. Womanists – Emily Townes, Katie Cannon, Delores Williams, Joan Martin, among others,& black liberation theologians—James Cone, Gayraud Wilmore, Charles Long, Peter Paris, Dwight Hopkins, to name a few, have been addressing the complexities of race for years now. Essential to such “liberation”-type theologies is that God’s priority is for the oppressed …and bodies marked by the dominant gaze signify oppression. Liberationists insist theology be marked.

The task of liberation theologies is, however, unfinished. My comments, which are very preliminary, are provoked by a book I wrote on an interracial church that included persons with “disabled” bodies. My study awakened me to a form of these longstanding problems of racism, sexism, able-ism for which I had no theological categories---the communications of bodies, and I am trying to figure out where to go next. In light of the fact that not many white churches “do” liberation theology—or the church I studied, for that matter--- I want to focus on how themes that do characterize many churches might be developed. ( can liberation insights be generated through ecclesiology?) Specifically, what in ecclesiology can generate attention to these bodies, but also to the “gaze” that marks such bodies as well. And while the issues are much broader---“ethnicity” is another marker that is selectively attributed--- I will focus mainly on “race,” which I will narrow even more by treating the problem of color-blindness in relation to black-white constructions of race.

If any community exists that is rooted in images and narratives of radical care for the Other, of images and narratives that require self-criticism and repentance, it would be Christian communities. But do these narratives provoke adequate sensibilities to bodies? Do church members even recognize “the gaze”? My sense is that bodies do matter in U.S. churches, but mostly in negative ways. Sexuality, race and gender are often topics to avoid. Perhaps sex education may be improving in some places, but issues of racism, sexism, domestic violence & sexual assault and heterosexism are often too painful to discuss. Our sense of bodies, especially those “other” than our own, is deeply entrenched and not easily acknowledged, much less altered.

I begin with an example of a dominant “gaze.” A number of studies suggest that one particular sense of bodies in the U.S. ---- racism----has a contemporary form that is not only real and serious, but is hidden-- “hidden from many (white) Americans,” that is. Sociologist Eduardo Bonilla-Silva names it in the subtitle of his recent book: ” Color-Blind Racism and the Persistence of Racial Inequality in the U.S.” “Color-blind racism’ is an ideology that’s been developing since the late sixties, i.e., the view that the vicious racism located in legislation is gone and the malicious intent of white supremacy has greatly diminished----at least in terms of what Americans will publicly admit. Today, he says, “few whites in the US claim to be ‘racist’…Most whites assert they ‘don’t see any color, just people’”. Other factors are blamed for the poverty, disadvantages, poor housing, education, etc. of people of color, and “most whites insist that minorities (especially blacks) are the ones responsible for whatever ‘race problem’ we have in this country.”^² Disputing this view with sociological analysis, Bonilla-Silva argues that “contemporary racial inequality is reproduced through what he calls ‘New Racism’ (i.e., color-blind racism) -- practices that are subtle, institutional, and apparently (seemingly) nonracial.’”^³

The dynamics of “colorblindness” jive with what I found in the interracial church I studied. White members frequently said they “did not see color, just Christians”---and while there were some positive things about how that functioned in the church---colorblindness also seemed to function as a way to avoid dealing with or even mentioning the continued impact of racism---it was simultaneously a narrative of welcome and a mechanism of avoidance. Helping to explain this, Bonilla-Silva points out, is that whites typically think of racism as individual prejudice—so, no intentionally racist acts, no racism. Thus there’s no need to talk about it; for most people of color, however, racism is “systematic or institutionalized.”

And it is just this approach to racism as structures, structures that produce “social relations and practices that reinforce white privilege” that is at stake in the call to attend to marked bodies.^⁴ Emily Townes’ recent book,Womanist Ethics and the Cultural Production of Evil, powerfully illustrates the phenomenon of social evil as she identifies historical cultural stereotypes of black womanhood---Aunt Jemima, Sapphire, the Tragic Mulatta, the Welfare Queen---that have helped produce dehumanizing racialized imaginations and practices. Such are part of what Omni and Winant call the “racial formation” ---racialized structures and institutions that get reproduced in everyday life and make up the practices that are behind our/whites’ reactions to black bodies.^⁵ My anecdotes ---Braxton’s notion of the white “look” and the whites’ notion of the congregation getting “too black”--- exemplify this. So, let’s admit that colorblindness is not just an ideology, a set of ideas, it is an internalized habitus—a tacit understanding—knowledge in the bones-- of the way things are. And its cost continues to be high—Braxton refers to the “debilitating effects of (history) on (black’s) collective self-esteem and …ability to be productive citizens.”^⁶ While the cost is different we who are white are diminished as well.

So my first question is, what ecclesial commitments or norms can help in the shaping of a new sensibility about marked bodies? If most of us whites think we are colorblind, and do not think we have “race”, what in a Christian understanding of “church” might generate constructive attention to such issues? What in the traditions of ecclesiology invites our attention to bodies, both marked and unmarked, and might begin to surface (make us conscious of) these harms?

“Hospitality”

A logical candidate would be our long-standing Christian traditions of radical hospitality. As a book on the subject by Christine Pohl illustrates, traditions of hospitality and generous welcome of the stranger have always characterized Christianity. The OT God offers hospitality to the “least of these”—manna for wilderness wanderers, Jesus is the paradigm, welcoming prostitutes, tax collectors, and children as well as being a guest himself. Indeed what more straightforward claim about the hospitable character of the incarnate God than is Jesus’ claim, “I was a stranger and you welcomed me.” ^⁷ And you cannot be hospitable, except, as John Chrysostom said, face-to-face with someone else….embodied.

There are wonderful models in church history of such practice. John Chrysostom…”was a persistent….advocate of Christian hospitality and ‘insisted that such hospitality should be …. gracious, unassuming, nearly indiscriminate, & always enthusiastic” as well as face-to-face.”^⁸ Martin Luther wrote that when persecuted believers were received hospitably, ‘God Himself is in our home, is being fed at our house, is lying down and resting.’”^⁹ For 1500 years Benedictine monasteries have made hospitality their central mission. Any outsider, however vulnerable and needy is to be welcomed.

However, even though hospitality requires face-to-face, embodied relationship, the dynamic of welcoming the “outsider” is easily co-opted into a patronizing imbalance of power, where the nobless n’oblige of the benefactor invites the failure to acknowledge the (invisible) privileges such as whiteness and class. Some of the primary biblical passages --- Luke 14 and Matthew 25—portray the “outsider” as the outcast and the poor. The hospitality model clearly evokes a “marked body” --- the outsider, whether a street person, or a refugee. However, it won’t necessarily surface the unmarked body of the pair. The host, or the generous giver is implicitly the normal (and implicitly powerful) one in the relation. Now I am not saying that all contexts and practices of hospitality fail to call for and create change in the host/ess. An exemplar of hospitality was Dorothy Day, founder of The Catholic Worker; she gave up her privileges as she committed to live with the poor---to BE poor. Indeed the best forms of hospitality clearly are settings in which the host not only gives but receives from the “other.” In L’Arche, for example, the central community is people with disabilities. Its founder Jean Vanier, makes friendship central to the dynamics of this community, and “outsiders” who come are necessarily changed. (They have to learn the modes of communication of L’Arche residents.) The power structures and their deployment through everyday racialized scripts that I am concerned with, however, have made “outsiders” of those with bodies marked as having “race”; and the dynamic of challenging color-blindness cannot be defined simply by a logic of hospitality from whites. (although what about the reverse?) While I do not want to rule out hospitality, at this point it is not adequate to surface the acknowledgement of the power behind the gaze which is colorblindness. I turn, then, to….

“Reconciliation”

The logic of reconciliation appears more compelling to surface what is lacking in hospitality. Reconciliation requires acknowledging our complicity in sin –confession and repentance, moving toward forgiveness,--though not “cheap grace”, all of which are mediators of transformation. The narrative of reconciliation is, of course, central to Christian faith and theological reflection. We worship a reconciling, redeeming God as displayed by the radical life, death and resurrection of Jesus Christ. Miroslav Volf founds the logic of reconciliation – of ’embrace’--- in the “mutuality of self-giving love in the Trinity”…”the outstretched arms of Christ on the cross for the ‘godless’, and ‘the open arms of the ‘father’ receiving the ‘prodigal’ ---doctrines of God, Christology and salvation.”^¹⁰ This narrative does not just reconcile us to God, but is about creating a reconciled community---the Body of Christ---that practices reconciliation in the world.

The question, then, is whether the logic of reconciliation can uncover the dynamics of color-blindness---the gaze which overlooks the significance of marked and unmarked bodies—which overlooks deeply residual and ongoing dehumanizations. Reconciliation is crucial, of course, for the process requires attention to the social and personal effects of sin, the messiness of guilt and resentment, of anger and fear, all a part of colorblindness as a dehumanizing gaze. However, as liberation theologies insist, classic Christian appeals typically take a universalizing form---God loves us all, we are all sinners, etc., claims that can easily support practices of avoidance. Theology for everybody typically occludes its own location. To contest such theology, James Cone argued that God is not color-blind, but involved in the struggle of black people. To bypass universalizing, Cone says, Jesus is black.^¹¹ False universalizing is the denial of difference, when difference really matters. For a practice of reconciliation that focuses on the particular, then, let us turn briefly to a practice about bodies---a practice central to defining the living Body of Christ---the Eucharist.

The Eucharist is a performance of the moves from graced presence, to confession and forgiveness. The RC practice of the ritual requires confession as a prerequisite to participation in the Eucharist. Seen through the lens of this sacrament, white acknowledgement of our color-blindness – as confession-- might well be a constitutive moment of Christian faithfulness. What is more, the Eucharist is an incarnational display of the Body of Christ, signaling the corporate, face-to-face community of bodies that is church. The power of the “face,” as Buber and, more recently, Edward Farley argue, is crucial for the humanizing of our sensibilities. Powerful for generating attention to bodies, the Eucharist is founded on the radically equalizing power of a shared meal. Marked and unmarked bodies meet face-to-face, grounded in the radical grace of God, name the wrongs, name complicity, and claim commitment to transformation and the hope that new social realities can be formed.

Even if this is not the current function of Eucharist, some would argue that its historical founding practices actually generated such a dynamic.^¹² Pohl points out that a “(c)rucial role of shared meals” in church traditions of hospitality was to serve as a kind of equalizer: “..in most cultures, eating together expresses mutuality, recognition, acceptance, and equal regard.” Shared meals entail bodies gathering face-to-face, with ostensibly equal status. Many biblical stories of hospitality include shared meals, some portraying the breaking down of social boundaries. The Acts 10 story of Peter’s meal with the “outsider” Gentile Cornelius, was about one of the ‘early church’s struggles over recognition and inclusion” that “surfaced in the context of eating together.”^¹³ Somewhere in the history of Eucharist such a “meal of reconciliation” might well be an ecclesial performance that gestures at what I am looking for -- taking up of the messy “felt knowledges” of confession, guilt, anger and resentment; messy processes toward the building of trust that, however partial, rely upon God’s gracious presence to at least get started.

The ritual domestication of the meal in today’s church, however, seems unlikely to be jeopardized in the interest of such a process. In a recent book on United Methodist worship, the closest I find to this is the call for “recovery of the ancient link between worship and service”. What would renew “sacramentality for the ritual would be better preaching, and more vibrant celebrations”.^¹⁴ While there is literature insisting that racism violates the meaning of the Eucharist, I suspect this author would think challenging colorblindness invites disaster, not vibrancy.^¹⁵

To sum up, hospitality (or inclusion) is simply not enough, for Miroslav Volf rightly points out, “embrace of the other” as full reconciliation “cannot take place until the truth has been said and justice done.”^¹⁶ And the power dynamics of hospitality do not necessarily provoke such painful processes. Likewise, other ecclesial themes have limits. Welcoming, confessing complicity and brokenness, and performing the reconciliation narrative, face to face, in the presence of other bodies at the Lord’s Supper---these are rich defining themes of ecclesiology (and would seem potential generators of a process that could address color-blindness as early church meals sometimes did.) But they do not automatically open up this messy possibility either. For neither the ritual nor our defining reconciliation narrative are specifically addressed to get the complex “felt life” of marked and unmarked bodies on our theological screens.

Now I am not throwing out these themes/practices as irrelevant for a challenge to the posture of color-blindness or any other form of obliviousness to issues of marked bodies. But clearly no legislation or Christian “teaching” is adequate to address this. Most white churches understand themselves to be color-blind in the sense of welcoming all people. Most white churches think with a logic of guilt, confession, forgiveness and reconciliation---with regard to some form of sin! Most white churches practice the sacrament of the Lord’s Supper. Yet most white churches do not take up the problem Bonilla-Silva calls the racism of color-blindness. Upgrading their theologies will not do the trick.

Toward a New Moral Imagination

Unless, that is, we define “theology” so that it doesn’t simply refer to beliefs. Minimally, we who are color-blind need a new “moral imagination,” as Mennonite John Lederach says of the journey toward reconciliation. While he is speaking of peace in relation to international tribal wars, the social interest and capacity that might contribute to transcending violence of all kinds, he argues (including color-blindness,) is “forged by the capacity to generate, mobilize and build moral imagination…” Now by this we don’t mean just a better grasp of liberation theologies (although that would not hurt). “Moral imagination” invokes a deeper way of being in the world---deeper than our alleged beliefs and cognitive claims, and is rooted in our social location. Moral imagination structures your worldview at a level presupposed by your conscious decisions. As Townes says, it is “in the fabric of the everyday.”^¹⁷ The gaze that is color-blindness is itself a kind of moral imagination, insofar as it is a socially, affective and existentially situated view of reality that is both well-meaning, “inclusive” and oblivious at the same time.

For me as a theologian, recognition that imagination is key to this requires some category changes-- something only begun by liberation theologies. It requires a hermeneutics of “lived religion” – the capacity to read the resonances—the “sympathetic vibrations” as Linda Kintz calls them, of the images that are always at play in the so-called strictly ‘theological’ or xian language.^¹⁸ Theologians must recognize this as fundamental to theology, not just a secondary problem we hand off to “ethics,” or the problem of “applying” theological beliefs. We theologians must learn from a variety of thinkers who study the affective/aesthetic character of religious faith…. what David Morgan calls the ‘felt life of religion’-- the ‘sensuous cognition’ (akin to Aristotle’s aesthesis) that can take seriously the hybridized linkage of religious themes with the visual.

Attention to the gaze of colorblindness, or any other posture entailing avoidance of marked/unmarked bodies, requires that we recognize material culture, racialized, gendered and sexualized imagery, and that “material culture, and visual culture in particular, is not primarily the expression of ideas or doctrines, but rather the cultural production, circulation, and reception of felt-knowledge.” Says Morgan, “…images and their uses should be examined for the ways in which they help to create forms of sympathy, empathy, AND ANTIPATHY---feeling with, feeling into or as, and feeling against or other than.”^¹⁹ Trained as a theologian primarily to interpret texts (doctrines, systematics, scripture), I must learn these new skills.

I must learn to read the social imaginations that construct nice Christians--- Christians who believe racism is wrong and long gone, and simultaneously admired Sarah Palin’s gun-toting and found scary the image of Michelle Obama with a rifle. I need to figure out how a logic of reconciliation might be negotiated through the thick of these assumptions. How, for example, the configuration of Sarah Palin as the glamorous Pioneer Woman, packing a gun, a baby and a Bible. …signaled an imagination of what many Americans desire, and how a white community with that imagination might be open, sometime, somewhere to be inspired by Townes’ account of the image of Sapphire. Granted, Michelle Obama’s image as a style-setting First Lady is an improvement. The question, though, is whether the white population is open to imagining a “loud-mouthed, strong-willed, sassy and practical Black female” not with antipathy but with empathy and admiration. Is Michelle “accepted” because she looks like a black version of a privileged white woman? Or are we open to receiving such challenges to the patriarchal urges of men (black or white) and the blindness and racism of white women by feeling grief along with mourning about the ways these “ism’s” demean us all.^²⁰

This shift also means a rethinking of what counts as “tradition.” Traditions that create and sustain the identity of communities have never been simply the authoritative writings and stored memories, bodily traditions-- even when countervailing—have always been operative, even if long ignored. Bodied practices have always been part of communal identity. Of course we have long recognized bodily rituals, but there are also bodily proprieties – what counts as “proper” for different groups in a particular time and place, from the dress and postures of the peasants compared to bodily proprieties of the lords and monarchs in the Middle Ages, to the gendered and racialized proprieties of every period (bodily techniques).^²¹ Bodily communications are not simply the ‘expression’ of what we believe; they have distinctive messages over and above beliefs. The question for future theological thinking, then, must include how bodies “think,” how they communicate and participate in the life of church --- do bodily (incorporative) traditions support, countervail, or redefine the “official or stated beliefs” of the church? Finding Sapphire “scary” is a bodily habitus; wanting her to be Aunt Jemima is like appealing to the “normative tradition” of racialized bodily proprieties.^²²

To recognize the power of bodies, in short, requires a more complex way of doing theology. If our way of being in the world is complex, deeply rooted in the affective, as well as the rational parts of our being, that includes fears as well as desire/pleasure. It is about our imaginations not our orthodoxy. Now even if such a shift in my academic skills is a step toward the filling out of what Lederach describes as “the capacity to imagine ourselves in a web of relationships that includes our enemies; “ an imagination that humanizes us all^²³--- that cannot be enough.

It does not tell us how our imaginations might actually be shaped differently. My second proposal is rather simple, sort of common sense and, admittedly, inadequate. The moral imagination, according to Lederach, is about “webs of relationships” and relationships are embodied….between bodies. What Christine Pohl says is particularly relevant to color-blind white populations. “Unless we intentionally break patterns,” she says, “we usually eat with people who are similar to ourselves.” Now of course that refers to class and other markers, but regardless, the likelihood that many of us whites would share Eucharist with more than a few token “marked” bodies is quite small.^²⁴ {An African American woman in the current version of the church I studied complained to me not long ago about how tired she was of the white organizations that love to have a few token blacks to show how inclusive they are.)

Indeed when it comes to race, class and “ability,” bodied webs of ecclesial relationships are quite homogeneous. Only between 7-8% of American congregations are interracial, defined as having ‘no one racial group compris(ing) more than 80 percent or more of the people”^²⁵ Based upon such figures the white imagination does not seem to be being shaped very much differently---at least around the racial “other.” Neither logics of reconciliation or the practices of Eucharist appear to have by themselves raised my racial group’s consciousness of marked/unmarked bodies. Sociologist Bonilla-Silva identifies this consciousness as a “white habitus”--as “a set of primary networks and associations with other whites”; its effect, unless disrupted, he says, is to “reinforce(s) the racial order by fostering racial solidarity among whites and negative effect toward racial ‘others.’”^²⁶

Now I am not saying such churches do not do hospitality, nor that they have explicitly racist views. I am not saying that having a black “First Family” will not constructively aid in the altering of the dominant imagination. But sociologists are saying that the shaping of imagination happens primarily through the contact of bodies, and the conditions of those contacts are crucial. [Contact theory has some relevance here.] Citing studies of the connection between white views of the problems of racism and our capacity to move beyond the myth of color-blindness, George Yancey argues, not surprisingly, that what disrupts the white habitus---(an imagination that fosters white racial solidarity with negative effects toward the other)-what helps create an alternative imagination is not having a black friend; it’s not having token blacks in your groups; it’s long-standing social networks with a number of persons of difference ‘races’ in relations of equal status. He says, “if we have regular interaction with members of different races, then we will reject falsehoods about those groups and come to possess more compassion for those groups. Over time, as we become more comfortable w/ members of other races, there will be a reduction of racial tension.”^²⁷

“Interracial marriage is one possibility, and interracial churches are as well. However, even in interracial churches, the possibility of keeping power, avoiding conflict and more than superficial interaction keeps the ‘contact’ from having the effect of enhancing understanding of the complex ongoing realities of contemporary racism. Sometimes the best that happens is the lessening of social distance, not necessarily the production of activism.”^²⁸ The good achieved? “Whites who attend multiracial churches are more comfortable around people of color and seem more willing to have social relations w/ racial minorities.” It’s limits? “However, these social rels do not mean that they will alter their political ideas about racial issues. It appears that only when whites are not the numerical majority is there the possibility of attitudinal alteration among majority group members. [Whites who are numerical minorities in their religious congregations are likely to repeatedly find themselves in contact w/ people of color, whereas those who are numerical majorities in a multiracial setting may only occasionally have interracial contact. Contact may need to be extensive to change attitudes among majority group members.”]

It is sobering, but probably not a surprise, to think how deeply entrenched are our racialized imaginations, what it might take to disrupt colorblindness, and James Cone’s comments come to mind. Cone argued not only that God is not color-blind, that Jesus is black. He also said that for change to happen whites must “become black.”^²⁹ ...as did my former colleague, white theologian Frederick Herzog. Cone thought this was a “rare possibility of conversion”, but more recently, Brad Braxton is also arguing that whites must “become black.” What exactly that looks like; where it happens, I cannot say with any certainty. I do know that we have to care; we have to give up (some) protective privilege, we have to have a stake in the disruption of colorblindness, something that has not clearly occurred for the majority.

Conclusion

In conclusion, my aim is not to argue that all whites must go join black churches. I have not even mentioned the different views and functions of African American churches, which have been racially homogeneous for very good reasons. Nor is it to discount the role of widespread practices of hospitality and reconciliation that attend to other differences. It is to say they are less adequate when they do not trigger for us the relocation of our bodies and alteration of our social networks. Indeed, relocated bodies need long-term logics of reconciliation, I suspect, to make much difference. But having insisted that beliefs do not “cause” behavior, I am suggesting that desire and passion---from a sense of empathy and mourning to a sense of urgency and excitement--- must drive us out of our safety zones to create some new imagination. Even in this time of so-called “we’re beyond racism.”

Finally, the alteration of the white habitus through sustained interracial relationships will hopefully alter interpersonal imaginations, but, of course, it has all sorts of limitations --- how will face-to-face networks alter the larger socio-political racial formation? That may not change. By failing to trace the intersections of “race” with other marginalizing markers, am I not reproducing essentialism? Surfacing consciousness of gender as a marker would require a different politic; gender is a marker of internal exclusion. Finally, is this call to relocate white bodies a kind of ‘tourism’? a new form of an objectifying ‘gaze’ by those of us with racial privilege? As Braxton says, we whites who claim to care about racism can always pull out.^³⁰ These limitations are real. But staying in our slightly inclusionary safe places, reproducing our bodily propriety of white ownership of space while spouting a radical liberationist theology is no longer defensible. Only the (hospitable, reconciling) grace of God can—might--- sustain something new.

Let me close with this wonderful quote from Paul Fitzgerald: “We are more likely to act ourselves into new ways of thinking than think ourselves into new ways of acting.”^³¹

End

1 Brad R. Braxton, No Longer Slaves: Galatians and African American Experience (Collegeville, Minnesota: The Liturgical Press, 2002): 9.

2 He goes on: “(t)hey publicly denounce blacks for ‘playing the race card,’ for demanding the maintenance of unnecessary and divisive race-based programs, such as affirmative action, & for crying ‘racism’ whenever they are criticized by whites. Most whites believe that if blacks and other minorities would just stop thinking about the past, work hard, and complain less (particularly about racial discrimination), then Americans of all hues could ‘all get along.’” Eduardo Bonilla-Silva, Racism Without Racists: Color-Blind Racism and the Persistence of Racial Inequality in the United States, 2^nd ed. (Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, 2006): 1. Now Bonilla-Silva’s view is at odds with authors such as William Julius Wilson’s The Declining Significance of Race (1978) and arguments that the sufferings of people of color are mainly economic, or those of Charles Murray and Richard Herrnstein, The Bell Curve (New York: Free Press, 1996),who find differences in intelligence, which are accounted for by racial classification.

3 Ibid., 3. while it’s like “racism light” compared to Jim Crow, he points out, the ideology of color blindness is a “formidable political tool for the maintenance of the racial order” that privileges whites. A couple of the many, many books on the topic include Leslie G. Carr, “Color-Blind” Racism (Thousand Oaks, Ca.: Sage Publications, 1997); Joe Feagin & Eileen O’Brien, White Men on Race: Power, Privilege, and the Shaping of Cultural Consciousness (Boston: Beacon Press, 2003); K. Anthony Appiah & Amy Gutmann, Color Conscious: The Political Morality of Race (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997).

4 Admitting that race privilege is fractured by gender, class, “sexual orientation, and other forms of ‘social cleavage’”, he still maintains that all benefit from the racial status quo. Ibid., pp. 9-10.

5 Michael Omni and Howard Winant, The Racial Formation in the United States: From the 1960’s to the 199’s (New York: Routledge, 1994).

6 Braxton also 2) quotes Cornell West who calls for “a direct attack on the sense of worthlessness and self-loathing in black America.” Braxton, op.cit., pp.2,4.

7 Christine D. Pohl, Making Room: Recovering Hospitality as a Christian Tradition (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Eerdmans Publishing, 1999): 17, 22,16-35. The early Christian focus was on “hospitality toward the weakest, those least likely to be able to reciprocate.’ 17); 2 NT passages: Luke 14, Matt 25 20f)---suggest what’s distinctive about xian hospitality. Also, Luke – banquet for the outcast, “the maimed, the lame, the blind,’ not your friends, is a parable about the Kingdom. This vision intensified 21) w/ Matt 25---where at the last judgment recognition of Jesus is identified as hospitality to the outcast, the poor.

8 Pohl, p.6.

9 Pohl, p.6. She references: Luther’s Works, vol. 3: Lectures on Genesis, Chapters 15-20 (St. Louis: Concordia, 1961, 189] (and Calvin thought “’No duty can be more pleasing or acceptable to God’ than hospitality to religious refugees….he viewed such practice as a ‘sacred’ form of hospitality.”

10 Miroslav Volf, Exclusion and Embrace: A Theological Exploration of Identity, Otherness and Reconciliation (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1996): 29.

11 James Cone, A Black Theology of Liberation (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott, 1970): 25f.

12 Reta Halteman Finger, Of Widows and Meals: Communal Meals in the Book of Acts (Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Publishing, 2007).

13 Pohl, ibid., 73, 61-81.

14 Don Saliers and K. Westerfield-Tucker make a call to “link worship with social holiness in service to God and neighbor.” As to what would ‘renewed sacramentality mean for the way congregations approach the sacraments?” 1) reinvigorated teaching & sacramental formation; 2) preaching rooted in sacramental view of church & world 3) more vibrant celebrations of baptism & Eucharist.” Westerfield-Tucker wants a ‘recovery of the ancient link between worship & service’ See The Eucharist in a United Methodist Perspective, ed. by Hendrik R. Pieterse Quarterly Review Classics (Nashville, Tn.: General Board of Higher Education and Ministry: The UMC, 2007): 17-18, 30.

15 Tee Garlington, “The Eucharist and Racism” in Ending Racism in the Church, ed. by Susan E. Davies & Sister Paul Teresa Hennessee, S.A. (United Church Press: Cleveland, Ohio, 1998).

16 Volf, op.cit.

17 Emilie M. Townes, Womanist Ethics and the Cultural Production of Evil (NY: Palgrave MacMillan, 2006): 19.

18 Linda Kintz uses this technical definition of “resonance” to analyze the function of symbols that are crucial in the shaping of the religious right, but do not connect logically. See her Between Jesus and the Market: The Emotions that Matter in Right-Wing America (Duke University Press: Durham, N.C., 1997).

19 David Morgan, “The Look of Sympathy: Religion, Visual Culture, and the Social Life of Feeling”, p.11f.

20 Emily Townes, Womanist Ethics, pp.76f. Cynthia Crysdale says “..grief rather than guilt is the route to solidarity. ‘Liberal white guilt’ has run its course & discovered its limits. Feeling guilty for one’s privilege only one you further into a defensive ethic of (controlled) charity.” Cynthia S.W. Crysdale, Embracing Travail: Retrieving the Cross Today (NY: Continuum, 2001: 66.

21 I am invoking Paul Connerton’s categories. See his How Societies Remember (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1989).

22 Townes, of course, interprets the images in complex ways---not simply as negative, oppressive cultural expression, but some as potential contributors to “countermemory.”

23 David Morgan, “the Look of Sympathy Religion, Visual Culture, and the Social Life of Feeling” Material Religion 5 no.2 (July, 2009). It also requires “the ability to sustain a paradoxical curiosity that embraces complexity without reliance on dualistic polarity” John Paul Lederach, The Moral Imagination: The Art & Soul of Building Peace (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005): 5.

24 Now, to be sure, the history of whites and blacks worshipping together is complex. Charles Irons has traced the history of white and black evangelicals and found that there was quite a bit of biracial worship in Virginia during a period of 1815-1831. This in itself does not guarantee any kind of equal respect. Charles F. Irons, The Origins of Pro-Slavery Christianity: White and Black Evangelicals in Colonial and Ante-bellum Virginia. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2008).

25 And, of these, only 34% have “a significant percentage of blacks and whites” 138. A 6 year study..2,500 phone interviews (randomly chosen) across the US; surveys based on those interviews found 30 multiracial congress which they studied over a period of 5 yrs. [[Attending Wilcrest Baptist Ch, Houston, Texas, pastured by Rodney Woo.]] Michael O. Emerson, People of the Dream: Multiracial Congregations in the United States (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2006): 35.

26 Bonilla-Silva, op.cit., p.16.

27 George Yancey, Interracial Contact and Social Change, p.2. “Not just any old contact will do”…certain conditions are necessary. (see chapter 3 for these)

28 Ibid., p.46. “…with one notable exception, the mere presence of people of color in church, even if the church is multiracial, does not seem to have an effect upon European Americans. The exception is that interracial contact may lessen the social distance betw majority group members and people of color.”

29 James Cone, A Black Theology of Liberation (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott, 1970): 25f., 241.

30 Critiquing mainline white theologians, Cone argues that “From God’s side, reconciliation between Blacks & whites means that God is unquestionably on the side of the oppressed blacks struggling for justice.” Justice is prior to forgiveness and reconciliation. James Cone, God of the Oppressed (New York: Seabury Press, 1975): 235, 235-246. One version of this is simply the superficial addressing of particular sin. As James Cone insisted, reconciliation is not about cheap grace for whites, who merely want forgiveness so we can quickly move on.

31 Thanks to Sharon Welch for putting me onto this quote from Paul Fitzgerald, “Doing Theology in the City,” Cross Currents (Spring, 2001): 89. This very philosophy is being put into play with Meadville Lombard Theological School’s new program in ministerial formation. The seminary has just inaugurated (fall, 2008) a new field education program in which students doing field education are put into sites characterized by differently racialized and classed communities than their own and required to combine academic reflection with their in site experiences.

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